Map: Editing the Detroit City Map

detroit-buildings-close.gif

by: T. Jennings Anderson

Check out the interactive version HERE

Objects in OpenStreetMap are often the cumulative product of multiple edits. This visualization displays a point for every edit of a specific type (building, highway, amenity, etc.). Using a heatmap style, the density of these points then shows the relative editing activity for any given time period.

The editing history of each object was reconstructed with the OSM-Wayback utility. This utility turns historical extracts of the full OSM planet history file into a GeoJSON sequence of objects with embedded editing histories.


Help add more data to the Detroit map at the upcoming Mapathon!

Event details on Facebook, RSVP for the event HERE

Register for the Oct. 5 – 7 Conference HERE

Tracking Detroit’s Record Stores Through Maps: 1970 – 2010

Detroit_Race_Records

by: Thomas Calkins

Detroit’s place in American music has long been cemented. From jazz to techno, soul to punk, and many points in between, Detroit was the home of so much musical invention. It was also home to many independent record stores, as well as regional and national chains. How the location of these stores has shifted over time is one part of my dissertation on record stores and urban change (which also includes Chicago and Milwaukee). The record store is still an important place of musical discussion, discovery, and debate in Detroit, as it was decades ago. But where record stores are located in the segregated landscape of Detroit has changed, based on the following maps.

Tracts from Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb county are included in these maps, and the thin blue line represents the Detroit city boundary. The green areas are majority white tracts (meaning that 70% or more of that census tract is white), while yellow ones are majority black (meaning that 70% or more of that tract is black). When looking at the maps, two major patterns emerge. First, record stores seem to move away from the central business district in a radiating fashion over time. Second, Detroit’s record stores were once more highly clustered within black majority areas. In some instances, it appears that as the black population moved, so did record stores.

This becomes even more apparent when looking at the percentage of record stores in majority black census tracts in Detroit from 1970 to 2010. In 1970, 6 out of 10 independent record stores were in majority black areas. By 2010, that figure fell to 4 out of 10. Stories of vinyl’s revival, brick and mortar music retailer survival, and the continued success of Record Store Day are encouraging. These stories signal that even though music has become “devalued” in a highly digitized world, that physical formats retain special meaning for consumers today. But looking at record store loss with a much longer historical lens suggests that a part of the story is missing: the record store’s connection to black America. Detroit provides a good example of just that.

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Sources: Census TIGER/Line shape files come from the 2010 U.S. Census tracts.  

Demographic data comes from the Longitudinal Tract Database (https://s4.ad.brown.edu/projects/diversity/Researcher/LTDB.htm).

Record store address data comes from telephone (Michigan Bell 1970, 1980) and business directories (American Directory 1990; American Business Directories 2000; ReferenceUSA 2010).


Thomas Calkins, PhD(c) in Sociology

University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

tcalkins@uwm.edu

https://culturemapper.blog

Map: Detroit Territory Management Network

/Users/jaime/:::PFC_Jaime Castilla/19_SITUACION:Urbanismo/PIXELEby: Jaime Castilla Santos

Due to the large amount of space to manage and the limitation of available resources, the City Council carried out in 2013 a strategic division of the municipality in 7 districts.

As it has been said, in Detroit there are countless of inactive spaces in the city that have the potential to become opportunities areas. These spaces represent opportunities for the interaction and collective development of the city.

Based on the division of districts, the project proposed the incorporation of a decentralized network for management, exchange and distribution of the resources of the city, in favor to the local needs of each neighborhood.

This map shows graphically the appearance of this new decentralized network in Detroit, making the urban project an instrument of knowledge and negotiation.


SEARCHING FOR SUGAR LAND by Jaime Castilla Santos

Final Thesis presented at Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura de Madrid (ETSAM) in September of 2016. 

This project is part of an extensive and complex research that seeks alternatives to understand and intervene in the reality that Detroit lives today. This city has shrinking since the 1950s and it had produced a unique landscape with more than 105,000 empty lots, 50,000 abandoned houses, and more than 30 square kilometers of underutilized land. 

The main purpose of the project is to reorient Detroit’s future by reconnecting the urban fabric and boosting the city’s own identity through the interaction with its citizens. The project pretends to offer a global intervention in the territory according to the context of emergency and precariousness that suffers.

 View the project intro video HERE

Map: How Suburban is the City of Detroit?

urban-suburban-detroit.jpgby: Mark Jones

In 2015, FiveThirtyEight (538) and Trulia worked to define “suburban” and “urban.” They surveyed 2,008 adults from across the USA and asked them to describe where they live as either rural, suburban, or urban. They matched those results with the responder’s zip code and created a definition for each geographic term:

Urban: ≥2,213 households per square mile (mi2)

Suburban: 102 – 2,212 HH/mi2

Rural: <102 HH/mi2

Utilizing these definitions, 538 calculated the amount of urban within the top 10 most populated cities in the USA. Some, such as New York and Chicago, were completely urban; others, such as San Diego and Phoenix, were majority suburban. This type of analysis was duplicated for Southeast Michigan. Using 2010 census tracts, households per square mile was calculated. Detroit had 205 urban census tracts, 86 suburban, and 5 rural. By acreage, Detroit is 60% urban, tying Dallas from the 538 study. Clawson, Grosse Pointe, and Hamtramck are 100% urban, in contrast to Utica, Northville, Fraser, Rochester Hills, and Grosse Pointe Farms which are completely suburban.

Map: Detroit Landscape Typologies Map

01_Mapa Paisajes.jpgby: Jaime Castilla Santos

The first step was to develop a map that shows the future landscapes that will exist in Detroit. To make this map it was necessary to collect all the cartographic information and digital mapping in order to understand the real panorama of the current territory.

The map is made by a matrix of 500×500 meters, based on the matrix of “the square mile” already used in other territorial mappings of America.

Each of these “pixels” are classified according to 3 categories that determine the landscape that each place aspires. The categories are: 1- Habitability & Culture, 2- Production & Innovation, 3- Vegetation & Energy.

/Users/jaime/:::PFC_Jaime Castilla/19_SITUACION:Urbanismo/PIXELE

The purpose of this matrix is to obtain an accurate information about the landscape prevailing in each area.

This cartographic system generates a new planning framework open and dynamic that bets on the diversity of uses and the recovery of the preexistences.

Six (6) types of landscapes are defined for Detroit, these typologies approach the recovery of industrial zones, the reforestation of uninhabitated areas or the improvement of consolidated neighborhoods among others.


SEARCHING FOR SUGAR LAND by Jaime Castilla Santos

Final Thesis presented at Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura de Madrid (ETSAM) in September of 2016. 

This project is part of an extensive and complex research that seeks alternatives to understand and intervene in the reality that Detroit lives today. This city has shrinking since the 1950s and it had produced a unique landscape with more than 105,000 empty lots, 50,000 abandoned houses, and more than 30 square kilometers of underutilized land. 

The main purpose of the project is to reorient Detroit’s future by reconnecting the urban fabric and boosting the city’s own identity through the interaction with its citizens. The project pretends to offer a global intervention in the territory according to the context of emergency and precariousness that suffers.

 View the project intro video HERE

Map: Four Detroits, One Houston

HoustonNeighborhoods2-01.jpg
by: Elizabeth Luther
On its face, the “Fours Detroits, One Houston” map is a “surface level comparison” of two cities, meant simply as a conversation piece for discussions around land use and density, and how they fit within the many factors that can affect residents’ quality of life and access to opportunity. I developed it to complement to Detroit Collaborative Design Center’s (DCDC) map “comparing Detroit to three other major cities” amidst discussions with a colleague about whether the areas of Detroit that are seeing new investment and development should aim for density standards set by the country’s most urban areas, or should adopt more reasonable goals based on the knowledge that density isn’t the only measure of the built environment that might affect residents’ quality of life. Often maligned by urban planners for its lassiez-faire approach to land use regulations, Houston has over four times the land area and a lower population density than Detroit, but boasts nearly half the poverty rate and twice the median household income see below charts comparing those data points for the cities shown in both maps.
In lieu of a more researched comparison between the drivers of these indicators in Detroit and Houston respectively, it’s my assumption that residents in Houston have access to higher incomes and are less likely to experience poverty in large part due to the strength of a growing oil industry. Yet are Houston’s low-density development patterns sustainable in the long term? Do its annexation powers give it more power to regulate regional shifts that would otherwise be detrimental to residents in the city’s core?  If we’re to have learned anything from the effects of globalization on the auto industry and federal policies that encouraged post-war suburban development in metro Detroit, one takeaway could be that this low-density development doesn’t hold up well to massive macroeconomic shifts; another might be that a cooperative regional approach might could potentially curb some of the negative effects a huge drop in a city’s residential tax base.
One of my colleagues suggested that a caption for this map could be “anything is possible.” And indeed, it is possible to fit the land area of 26 Manhattans, 6.7 Bostons, or 12.8 San Franciscos into one Houston. But do higher density areas do a better job of supporting residents in the long-term?


I’d love for someone with more Houston expertise to weigh in on the map and the issues raised above.

~~
Median Household Income by City (2011-2015 ACS 5-year estimates, in 2015 dollars0

Detroit – $25,764
Houston – $46,187
Boston – $55,777
New York City – $53,373
San Francisco – $81,294

Persons in Poverty, Percent (2015, I believe; US Census Quickfacts accessed 12/19/2016)

Detroit – 40.3%
Houston – 22.5%
Boston – 21.5%
New York City – 20.6%
San Francisco – 12.4%

Map: Detroit Regional Transit Authority Vote by Precinct 2016

rta_vote_-final

by: Steven Wiltse

I pulled the election results from the respective County Clerk websites. Oakland, Washtenaw, and Macomb came somewhat preformatted in tables to be easily copied into excel. Wayne on the other hand was scans of printed PDFs that required hand coding. It’s also worth noting that Oakland, Macomb, and Washtenaw were posted online within days of the election, while Wayne took over a month. Using a shapefile of Michigan’s 2016 voter precincts, I joined the combined excel of Washtenaw, Oakland and Macomb, and entered in Wayne’s precinct by precinct. Because the precincts shapefile comes with both community and precinct ID fields it was easy to match up the smaller communities for the join (after some more excel work). Detroit was the only hiccup, as it was the only community with precinct identifiers that weren’t already in numeric order. That was solved by just pulling out the last three digits of the Detroit precincts and resorting. Lastly, because Detroit operates in-person absentee voting, I was not able to map those results as they lacked spatial references.
Once the yes/no counts were in I was able to add fields to do the calculations of Yes % support and the Yes/No results. Someone ended up asking a question online about density related to yes votes, so I added another field calculating the votes per sq/mile of the precinct (which gives a similar green to red pattern as the results).

Map: Detroit’s Industrial Growth and Decline

GIF_INDUSTRIAL-GROWTH.gif

This map was created by Jaime Castilla Santos, an architecture student from Spain (ETSAM) for his thesis project. The map is based on “Futuros Urbanos: La reversibilidad del proceso de deterioro” by Beatriz Fernández Águeda.

Map: Detroit Vacancy (warning: strobe effect)

detroit_vacancy_castilla

This awesome map was shared by Jaime Castilla Santos, an architecture student from Spain (ETSAM). His thesis is focused on finding a new way of manage and plan the city, through a system that locates opportunity areas in the city to creates collective and interactional spaces.

 

 

Map: Avery Street in Detroit 1921 vs. 2010

Avery1921_2010Aerial

(Map by Mark Jones)

SEMCOG City Planner, Mark Jones, submitted this great map mashup of old and new conditions in Detroit:

From 1920 to 2000 Detroit’s neighborhoods have gone through a tremendous transformation. This map shows the change in the central Woodbridge Neighborhood. By overlapping 1921 Sanborn Fire Insurance map building footprints and parcel lines with 2010 aerial, the differences become apparent. Most notably, the high vacancies west of Avery St. and the removal of virtually all garages in the neighborhood.

Map: Will Walk (from AMP) for Food in Detroit’s Cass Corridor

WillWalkAMPBy: Helen Lee

“Will Walk (from AMP) for Food” maps out food establishments by distance (miles) from the Allied Media Projects (AMP) office. Food establishments are also categorized by the most expensive entree displayed on their menu (as indicated by the map key). The map was generated in QGIS and participants in the workshop along with the facilitator worked together to collect the data used in the map.


Helen completed this mini mapping project as part of the “Data, Mapping, and Research Justice” workshop offered through Co.Open and Allied Media Projects. Learn more at: http://coopen.co

Open Green Spaces Map: Creating a network of parks, gardens, and public art in Detroit

Mini Mapping Project MariselaBy: Marisela Castañeda

In my mapping project I looked at existing green spaces within the Cass Corridor. Currently there are many open green spaces in the Cass Corridor but most of these spaces are misused serving as makeshift parking lots and illegal dumping sights. Although these green spaces are open and accessible to the public they are not managed, not maintained, and they do not form a green network.

I believe that these open green spaces should prioritize people over cars and materials and this is where gardens and public art comes into play. Parks help to promote exercise and recreation activities and gardens provide food and create a space for us to reconnect to the land. Meanwhile, public art promotes community engagement and encourages walkability within the area. Parks, gardens, and public art are complementary elements that work together to build a green network in the Cass Corridor.


Marisela completed this mini mapping project as part of the “Data, Mapping, and Research Justice” workshop offered through Co.Open and Allied Media Projects. Sign up for the March workshop session and learn more at: http://coopen.co

Map: Detroit Bus Availability and Walkability

det_bus_accessibility

by contributor: Jimmy McBroom

“This is a map of accessibility to the fixed-route bus system in Metro Detroit. For each block, this measure was derived by looking at the bus stops within a 1500 foot walking distance (that’s about an 8-10 minute walk). By measuring the individual routes that service those stops and the frequency of those routes, a measure of total bus trip availability was generated. For instance, since most blocks in Downtown Detroit were within a 10 minute walk of the Rosa Parks Transit Center, the number of available daily bus trips for most downtown blocks are in the 1500-2000 range. You can see similar clusters of accessibility in downtown Detroit, along the Woodward and Gratiot corridors, and near Northland Mall. Stop location & route frequency data was generated using a weekday schedule, using GTFS data from AATA, DDOT, and SMART. Census block data was derived from US Census TIGER/LINE files.”